ASSOCIATION  FOR COMMUNAL HARMONY  IN ASIA  (ACHA)


ACHA BULLETIN 6/07/2000
Nuclearization of South Asia -- Focus on Sri Lanka & Fiji
(Next issue on 7/05/2000)
 
CONTENTS 
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ABOUT US

ACHA Bulletin is being relayed to you as a part of ACHA's South Asian community service program. It is sent out on the first Wednesday of each month. It goes to individuals in Austria, Australia, Belgium, Canada, China, Denmark, France, Germany, India, Japan, Kenya, Kuwait, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, United Arab Emirates, U.K., and USA, and Zimbabwe. Please let us know (pritamr@open.org), if you want to have your name removed from our email distribution list. Also, please let us know if someone should be added to the list. Comments, letters to editor, and short articles are also welcome and can be sent to the same address.

ACHA Bulletin consists primarily of material selected from the printed and the electronic media. It aims to highlight the news of peace and harmony in the world, to shed light on issues of concern to South Asians, and to provide them information of general interest.

The Bulletin is edited by Pritam K. Rohila, Ph.D. Its editorials and the selection of its material are his sole responsibility and do not necessarily represent the views of or an endorsement by any other Director, or member of ACHA or Dr. Ingrid H. Shafer, who has graciously donated space for it on her server and is volunteering her time to maintain our Web Page. 

ACHA is a non-profit, non-political organization. It is dedicated to promote peace and harmony among South Asians regardless of where they live. The membership is open to all who are committed to ACHA Mission and its Declaration of Commitment. Annual dues are $10 (Individuals), $20 (Couples), $25 (Family).

ACHA Board of Directors appreciates people's goodwill and support for this cause. For more information about ACHA and comments about ACHA Bulletin, please contact us at by telephone at 503.393.6944, or 503.251.0070, or by email at <pritamr@open.org>, or visit our Web Page at http:/ecumene.org/ ACHA/ACHA.htm.

CONTENTS: Section A: 

QUOTATION
PRAYER
 I join in prayer with other peace seekers around the world 
SOUTH ASIAN PEACE & HARMONY NEWS
PEACE ORGANIZATIONS
 Federation of American Scientists
 Pakistani Doctors for Peace & Development (PDPD)
 Bangalore Platform Against Nuclear Weaponisation
 The Citizens Peace Committee (Pakistan)
 Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia (WIPSA) 
FEATURE
 Beyond Lahore: from transparency to arms control. by Zia Mian and M. V. Ramana.
 Eqbal Ahmad: post-Pokharan days by Pervez Hoodbhoy
 Two years after the nuclear tests by  Najum Mushtaq

CONTENTS: Section B

ANNOUNCEMENTS
 Global people of Indian origin: Collaboration in technology, trade; investment, pooling resources
 Visiting research fellowships in disarmament in Geneva, Switzerland
 Lecture tour of USA by Abhay Mehta
 Kathmandu International Mountain Film Festival 

BOOKS & JOURNALS
 Pakistani writers on nuclear issues  edited by Zamir Niazi
 Power Play by Abhay Mehta
 Think of your city as an ecosystem, a book for environment educators

DID YOU KNOW 
 Most Pakistani parents want their sons to be armymen
 One of the lowest net reproduction rate, infant mortality rate and death rate in Goa
 Pakistan's first national women's cricket team
 European Union India's largest trading partner
 Women in India's bidi trade
 A crash course for Indian police on women victims of violence
 New Ashoka stupa was discovered in Orissa
 Declining child labor in Moradabad's brass industry
 Converting Hyderabad's (India) garbage into fuel pellets
 Ropeway at Mawkaphan, Meghalaya, India
 Maharishi Vedic Medical Center

EVENTS
 June 14, New York, NY, USA: The Global Beauty Report: Focus on Asia Seminar
  June 19-23, Vancouver, BC, Canada:  Mediating Cultures: the Foundational Role of the Ramayana in South and Southeast Asian Societies
 Until August 20, Toronto, Ontario, Canada: The Arts of the Sikh Kingdoms
 Until October, Nairobi, Kenya: Asian Heritage Ehibitiov 

PEOPLE
 Jehangir Karamat, Ashok Jain, Raj Buddhiraja, N. Krishnaswamy, Parthasarathi Shome, Fakhar Zaman, Arun Shourie, Tara Singh Hayer, Lara Dutta, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Lhakpa Sherpa, Surekha Yadav

WEBSITES

WORDS OF WISDOM
 Interview with God (Anonymous)


QUOTATION

* "Without faith there is no future to be created. It is the dreamer who builds up civilization; it is  he who can realize the spiritual unity reigning supreme over all differences" - Rabindranath Tagore. 

His inspirational compositions have stood the passage of time. Siddharth Gambhirwala remembers. (<www.indiatogether.org/people/tagore.htm>)

PRAYER

*I join in prayer with other peace seekers around the world. Daily Word 3/25/2000 <www. unityworldhq.org>

Today in my prayers, I bless people the world over. Because we are from many different lands and traditions, we may differ from one another in varying ways, yet we have something sacred in common. We are all children of God. 

Because I do acknowledge our sacred kinship, I can and do envision a world filled with love. People of all nations are joining together to live and work in peace and joy. It's true; world peace can be a reality when people live their lives from an attitude of love and acceptance. 

Giving peace a chance to flourish in every area of the world community, we join together in a spiritual oneness of all human kind. The result of person after person joining in prayer with other peace seekers around the world is a world of peace. 

SOUTH ASIAN PEACE & HARMONY NEWS {To conserve space, and to sharpen our focus on South Asia, from now on, this section will include only South Asia related news).

*April 19, New Delhi, India: India and Sri Lanka finalized the modalities for shipments of tea and garments under their bilateral free TRADE AGREEMENT, which gives each country access to the other's market at concessional duties (Reuters, Via India West, <www.indiawest.com>).

*April 27, New Delhi, India: At their second ministerial meeting, Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand have decided to work towards a FREE TRADE Agreement, and to establish cross border transport linkage among them to enhance trade and investment cooperation in the region  (India West <www.indiawest.com>). 

*May 2, New Delhi, India: Abdul Majid Banday, a spokesman for the All Parties' Hurriyat (Freedom) Conference, KASHMIR's main separatist alliance, told Reuters that they are ready for talks with the government of India, provided they are sincere and without preconditions. "We want to talk, but they must have an open mind," he is reported to have said (India West <www.indiawest.com>). 

*May 3, Delhi, India: Led by Pakistan human rights leader and peace activist Asma Jahangir Crossing  Wagha in the same bus that carried Vajpayee to Pakistani side of the border, nineteen odd women joined a group that had already arrived in Delhi amid fanfare and controversy a day earlier, reported Amber Rahim in The News of Sunday received via South Asia Citizens Web<aiindex@mnet.fr>. These sixty women were not visiting India for the Taj Mahal or to trace ancestral roots, they were in India on a mission of peace.

As AsmaJahangir said upon her arrival at the bus terminal in Delhi: "There is no animosity among people. Open the Wagha border for a few days and you will witness long queues of people wanting  to cross." The reception that the sixty women received in the three cities that were scheduled  for a visit (Delhi, Agra and Jaipur) was truly overwhelming. Despite being a private initiative, many government and ex-government dignitaries received,  held receptions and dialogues with the members of the delegation. 

The peace delegation comprised lawyers, artists, journalists, educationists, doctors, political and social activists, businesswomen, students and housewives -- a broad cross-section of representative women from all over the country and of various religions and sects -- was proof that a section of Pakistan's women are progressive and educated. And that purdah need not necessarily mean a lack thereof. Hence, this visit had also meant to disassemble the mythical Pakistani woman, subservient to law and man, without an opinion and career of her own.

As an Indian member of WIPSA, Syeda Hameed, said at one of the meetings: "We have given 53 years to the menfolk to remove the tension between the nations. Since they have failed, we have taken it upon ourselves  to renew the ties that we share over the centuries. Being women, we appreciate pain, hunger and the value of life"

*May 11, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India: On the second anniversary of nuclear explosions by India, in the POKHRAN deserts of Rajasthan, the peace activists took to the streets again to register their protest against and moral outrage at this fiendish drive to nuclearize the Indo-Pak subcontinent, according to a report by Sukla Sen of the Movement in India for Nuclear Disarmament (MIND), Mumbai, received by us via South Asian Against Nukes Post <aiindex@mnet.fr>

A highly spirited protest demonstration, organized by the Citizens' Committee for commemoration of Hiroshima  and Nagasaki, an umbrella organization of a number of organizations and individuals committed to global peace and nuclear disarmament, held a peaceful  and silent demonstration near at the city-center, near the Churchgate railway station. They displayed placards with messages of peace and denunciation of war. Leaflets were distributed in large numbers highlighting the volcanic situation where the whole of Indo-Pak subcontinent has been dragged into by the nuclear explosions at Pokhran, which triggered off a vortex of arms race and conflict between neighboring India and Pakistan, and the consequent urgent need for moving towards regional peace talks and concrete steps towards de-nuclearization. The nuclear weapons states also came infor heavy criticism and were called upon to shed their hypocrisy and immediately move towards global nuclear disarmament.

*May 12, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan: A resolution adopted in a joint meeting of Action Committee Against Arms Race and Sindh chapter of Pakistan-India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD), held here to mark the second ANNIVERSARY of India's nuclear test in Pokhran, called upon New Delhi and Islamabad to immediately resume bilateral dialogue on all contentious issues including Kashmir, cease hostilities along the LoC and stop all kinds of hostile propaganda, according to a report published in DAWN on 6/13/00.

"Today, two years on, South Asia lies exposed to the perils of a nuclear war, as the armies of India and Pakistan shoot at each other along the Line of Control in Kashmir, and the two governments wage a propagandawar poisoning the minds of the people of the two countries against each other," the resolution stated. The meeting was of the view that the argument that nuclear explosion served as a deterrent had fallen flat on the high hills of Kargil within two months of the Lahore Declaration. It maintained that nuclearization and militarization of South Asia had very adversely affected the quality of life of the people in the two countries. "This is an utterly unacceptable situation, one in which, in the name of national security, the ruling establishments of Pakistan and India have put the security of their citizens in perpetual peril," the meeting maintained. The countries were urged to sign CTBT and NPT while at the same time demanding global denuclearization through the destruction of all nuclear weapons presently possessed by nuclear powers. 

It asked the two countries to ensure effective participation of the genuine representatives of the people of Jammu and Kashmir in all such bilateral negotiations on Kashmir The meeting asked India and Pakistan to lift all travel restriction, which militate against international norms, such as restricting visa to a few cities, reporting at police stations etc. It emphasized the need for promoting exchange of representative delegations from different walks of life. 

*May 12, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan: Joint Action Committee called a well-attended  meeting at the Lahore Press Club to commemorate noted intellectual  and peace activist Dr Eqbal Ahmed's death anniversary as well as protest the Indian nuke explosions which started the nuclearization of the region, according to a report by Beena Sarwar.. The meeting re-affirmed the slogan of goli nahin, boli (NOT  BULLETS, BUT TALKS) raised by Indian women who visited Pakistan last month, and Pakistani women who have just returned to Pakistan from India, led by prominent lawyer Asma Jehangir. JAC is an umbrella organization of over 30 NGOs in Lahore, and is part of the  Pakistan Peace Coalition, a larger umbrella group comprising peace activists all  over the country.

*May 13, Washington, D.C., USA: The S. Asian community in the Washington Metro Area heard from two of India's most reputed journalists and anti-nuclear activists - Achin Vanaik and Praful Bidwai. Their DC visit was a part of their on-going US promotional tour of their new book - NEW NUKES published by Interlink Books. The event was sponsored by AIM (Association of Indian Muslims in America), ICCC (Indian Cultural Coordination Committee), Aligarh Alumni Association and TOUCH (the Organization for Universal Communal Harmony). Representatives from other organizations (like the Forum for Secular India,  Karachi Alumni Association, and Young India) were also present. The event was coordinated by Dr. Zafar Iqbal and moderated by Dr. Soma Kumar.

Mr. Bidwai pointed out how deterrence was a delusory strategic policy. According to him, the rise in fundamentalism on both sides of the border has made a nuclear scenario dangerously real. He urged all to fight for nuclear disarmament at whatever level they can.

Mr. Achin Vanaik believed nuclearization was a matter of pride to the BJP as can be seen from the manifesto of the BJP and it's ideological godfathers since the 1950's, when neither Pakistan nor China had the bomb. He disputed the arguments made by the proponents of the nuclearization of India and reminded the scientific community of India of CV Raman's statement that scientists should starve rather than build nuclear weapons. In conclusion, he suggested that we make all possible efforts to dissuade the governments from open deployment of nuclear weapons and at the same time push globally towards disarmament. (Excerpts from a report by Rohit Tripathi of Young India, and received via Professor Zafar Iqbal, Ph.D. <iqbzaf@mail.va.gov>).

*May 14, New Delhi, India: Bollywood film-maker J.P. Dutta, while in New Delhi to promote his latest film REFUGEE, "The view about Pakistan that we harbor is very urbanized, far removed from reality, as can be seen in everyday life of the border villages in the Great Rann of Kutch." According to him, animosities between India and Pakistan notwithstanding, people of the border villages of the two countries continue to be partners in good and bad times in true neighborhood style.  The film, set to be released in June, was shot in the Great Rann. It deals with the feelings of oneness and brotherhood shared by the people of two South Asian neighbors as well as search for one's roots (Press Trust of India, Via India West <www.indiawest.com>). 

*May 20, Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh Bank governor Mohammad Farashuddin said that the Asian Clearing Union countries (Bangladesh, India, Iran, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, & Sri Lanka) could launch a SINGLE CURRENCY to foster monetary and economic ties among them. ACU was formed in 1974 under the auspices of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific (ESCAP). Currently, the member countries settle payments for intra-regional transactions among participating central banks on a multilateral basis in a manner that minimizes the involvement of hard currencies of countries outside the region. The trade volume among ACU member countries stood at nearly $7.0 billion in 1997 (Reuters Via India West <www.indiawest.com>).

*May 26, New Delhi, India: About 100 eminent names from all the leading faiths will comprise the Indian delegation to the Millennium World PEACE SUMMIT of Spiritual and Religious Leaders, opening at the United Nations on August 28. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan will preside over the religious meet which will precede the other initiative to foster global harmony. (Times of India, Via  India News <indianews@pobox.com>)

*May 28, Islamabad, Pakistan: Starting May 11, PEACE BANNER CAMPAIGN was held here to mark the 2nd anniversary of the Pakistani Nuclear tests (May 98).  People were invited to write appropriate messages on pieces of cloth. With the help of friends in Karachi (Piler), Lahore (Shirkat Gah, Labor Party, Amnesty International), Peshawar (Sungi), Quetta (Naela Qadri) and all others Islamabad based NGOs and students at the Khuldunia High School, Quaid-iAzam University and the Hamdard University the campaign was quite a success. "Diversity of messages, colors and languages made it  into an interesting cloth banner spread over more than 100 meters," according to message, received by us via South Asia Citizens Web (www.mnet.fr/aiindex), from Foqia, a Peace activist. "Messages from Quetta were particularly touching with young school children printing their hands and painting wonderful things on the cloth," she wrote. 

*May 28, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan: Labor Party Pakistan organized a seminar to protest against
the nuke blast of Pakistan two years before. Moeen Nawaz Panoo, president of Rustum Sahrab Cycle factory workers union presided and Farooq Tariq, secretary general LPP, Shahtaj Qazalbash, convener Joint Action Committee for Peoples Rights, Yousaf Baluch, secretary information Pakistan Workers Confederation, Zafar Mahmood Awan, chairman All Pakistan Para Medical Staff Federation, Rezwan Atta, member National Committee LPP spoke. Speakers exposed the hypocrisy of many of the arguments used by the religious fundamentalist in favor of atom bombs and stressed the need to organize public support against the nuke blasts. Several speakers demanded a total destruction of all the nuclear weapons world wide. spoke of a close relationship of India and Pakistan on people to people basis, according to a report by Farooq Sulehria and received vi South Asians Against Nukes <aiindex@mnet.fr>.

*May 28, Islamabad, Pakistan: Theater Provocateur planned to stage a protest  in the greater Blue Area of Islamabad. Starting at 10 a.m. a member of the group was expected to  rappel off one of a building in the area, stop midway on the rope and unfurl a banner with statement, "We Want Education/Food Not  A-Bomb". The rest of the members of the group down below were to  distribute leaflets following which the supporters were going to walk to the Presidency and present to the Chief Executive or the President  or the guard at the gate, a Peace Scarf carrying signatures of all  the people who oppose the Bomb (Wajahat Malik (51)-854922 OR  854933 <zygotepoet@hotmail>).

PEACE ORGANIZATIONS (In this section of each issue of ACHA Bulletin we feature one or more organizations whose work relates to peace in South Asia. Please send <pritamr@open.org> information about similar organizations that you know).

*Federation of American Scientists, 307 Massachusetts Ave.NE, Washington, DC 20002, Voice: (202)546-3300, Fax: (202)675-1010,  Email: fas@fas.org

The Federation of American Scientists is engaged in analysis and advocacy on science, technology and public policy concerning global security. A privately-funded non-profit policy organization whose Board of Sponsors includes over 55 American Nobel Laureates, FAS was founded as the Federation of Atomic Scientists in 1945 by members of the Manhattan Project who produced the first atomic bomb.

On May 16, Tim Brown, Analyst for the Federation of American Scientists and Michael Kraig, Consultant on South Asia for the FAS Public Eye Project along with Dan Plesch, Director, British American Security Information Council (BASIC) at a meeting held  released the satellite images about the nuclear and missile facilities of India, Israel and Pakistan, and discussed their implication  for nuclear non-proliferation.

The images depict Indian facilities at Trombay and Kanchanbagh and Pakistan establishments at Khushab and Sargodha. To view and download the photos please visit <http://www.fas.org/>

The Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) near Trombay, which is the nerve center of India's entire nuclear weapons program and includes facilities for weapons design; plutonium production (Dhruva and Cirus research reactors); plutonium separation; conversion of fissile materials into metallic form for warheads; and bomb core fabrication. BARC also houses extensive chemical production plants to support the entire fuel cycle, as well as a facility for extracting tritium from heavy water for increasing the explosive power of thermonuclear weapons. BARC personnel were instrumental in designing and building the nuclear devices that were tested in May 1998.

The Hyderabad Defence Research Complex at Kanchanbagh (India) houses the primary institutions responsible for developing and testing the new Agni-II IRBM and the short-range Prithvi missiles, both of which are leading candidates for nuclear warhead delivery vehicles. With help from over 20 other institutions and partners outside the Complex, the Defense Research and Development Laboratory (DRDL) represents the R&D component of the missile programs. Also in the Hyderabad Complex, the government-owned Bharat Dynamics, Ltd. manufactures the Prithvi with assistance in
special metals from the Defense Metallurgical Research Laboratory (DMRL) and the government- owned special metals industry Mishra Dhatu Nigam Ltd. (MIDHANI). Satellite images reveal that India has recently expanded a storage area that is almost certainly devoted to rocket propellant and fuel assemblies for these missile systems. Images also confirm that DRDL has erected a large facility dedicated to ground-based stress testing and flight simulations involving the actual missile components. 

Satellite imagery of the 40-70 Megawatt Pakistani plutonium production reactor at Khushab and nearby medium-range missile base at Sargodha indicates that construction of the Khushab reactor is essentially complete, and that Pakistan has built a dozen garages for mobile missile launchers and associated logistics support vehicles near the Sargodha Central Ammunition Depot. Dedicated maintenance facilities and launch crew housing have also been built nearby. 

For the first time outside government intelligence agencies, the FAS Public Eye Project is using photographs obtained from the Space Imaging Corporation IKONOS satellite to show the full scope of Indian and Pakistani nuclear programs. Along with declassified photos of Israeli facilities, the images visibly demonstrate that the three NPT holdouts have committed themselves to long-term and highly-integrated networks of military institutions geared towards the full deployment of nuclear weapons. "The NPT Review Conference has failed to come to grips with this reality, and the future of all non-proliferation efforts hinge on this fact," says John Pike of the Federation of American Scientists. FAS consultant Michael Kraig says, "The international community's exclusive focus on rolling back these nuclear programs has blinded policymakers to policy options that would reduce the risk of nuclear escalation in future regional crises. The world community should not assume that immediate de-nuclearization through the NPT regime is the only palatable foreign policy, or that it is the policy most likely to achieve concrete results." 

The pictures show all too clearly the urgency of inviting these countries to work with other nations on developing a plan for the total elimination of nuclear arms.  Were these facilities to be subject to attack, the fallout would have global impact.  The idea that we can isolate ourselves from such events is a delusion.

*Pakistani Doctors for Peace & Development (PDPD). On May 27, in collaboration with Pakistan India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD), Action Committee Against Arms Race (ACAAR), Pakistan Peace Coalition (PPC), Citizens Peace Committee (CPC-Islamabad), Joint Action Committee for People's Rights (Lahore), Association of Peoples of Asia (APA), and Pakistan Chapter of International Physicians for Prevention of Nuclear War, PDPD organized a seminar on "Nuclearisation and its impact on our life and survival," acording to a report by B.M.Kutty, and received via South Asians Against Nukes <aiindex@mnet.fr>. Their press statement issued on 27th May, are presented below. 

This May 28 marks the second anniversary of the six nuclear tests that Pakistan conducted on May 28 and 30, 1998. These two years, as is obvious, have been marked by grave military tensions and a sense of extreme insecurity felt by the people of Pakistan. Nuclear weapons have done nothing to improve the situation vis- -vis Kashmir dispute or relations with India. The Lahore Initiative of both the Indian and Pakistani governments was aborted largely by the euphoria crated by the nuclear capability. With Kargil and intensification of insurgency in Kashmir, the situation in South Asia has become volatile and unpredictable.

There is an urgent need for Pakistan and India to restart their stalled dialogue after due preparations. Meantime a proper national debate regarding the place of nuclear weapons in Pakistan's security needs to be organised. 

Indeed, it is necessary to define what the country's security implies. The security of the people of Pakistan, however, requires more peaceable policies. Military defence against foreign aggression can only be a part of national security arrangements. It needs giving peaceful orientation to all the domestic political and economic policies. That includes a foreign policy of peace. People's security presupposes their needs being attended to first. Thus, highest possible priority attaches to fighting poverty, unemployment and giving the people of Pakistan all their fundamental rights. This is the starting point of the desired security of the people. It is easy to see that nuclear weapons can have little place even in the military defence of Pakistan.

It has to be remembered that nuclear weapons are meant for offence, they do not distinguish between noncombatants and soldiers. There is no known defence against them. They are an evil that have a destabilizing influence as events since May 1998 have shown. They destabilize not only relations between the adversaries but also make government leaders unbalanced in making policies, as indeed euphoria has done in both countries.

We appeal to Pakistan government to reassess the situation and to arrange a national debate on the nuclearisation of South Asia, particularly that of Pakistan. We find it urgent to rid the people of South Asia of the nuclear nightmare that the Indian and Pakistani nuclear weapons are for common Pakistanis and Indians respectively. Foreign policy of Pakistan must revert to the earlier stance of wanting not only the Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (NWFZ) for South Asia but also for Indian Ocean littorals.

Meantime, we also appeal for the removal of the obscenity that are the replicas of bombs, missiles and Chaghi mountain from traffic roundabouts of Pakistani cities. We also find Mrs. Kulsum Nawaz's Youm-i-Takbir march to Chaghi as indecent and uncalled for glorifications of nuclear weapons and
promotion of militarism and strongly condemn it.

*Bangalore Platform Against Nuclear Weaponisation. The organization consists of about 20 different groups, namely AIBEA (Canara Bank), Alternate Lawyers Forum,  BEL Employee's Union, Centre for Education and Documentation, Citizens Against Nuclear Energy, Documentation and Dissemination Centre for Disarmament Information, Federation of Voluntary Organisations for Rural Development -Karnataka, Gandhi Peace Centre, General Insurance Employees Union,  Indian Scientists Against Nuclear Weapons, International Energy Initiative,  Karnataka State Peace and Solidarity Organisation,  Manasa,  New Entity for Social Action, People's Union for Civil Liberties- Karnataka, Pipal Tree, Samvada, Science for Society, Anglo-Indian Guild, and Visthar. 

Below is a statement the organization issued on May 24. More information about the organization can be obtained from CED <admin@ilban.ernet.in>, Phone 5543397 or ISANW <pativish@hotmail.com>,  Phone 5554246/8483002 (extn. 442).

India exploded five nuclear test bombs between May 11th and May 13th of 1998.  These explosions sent shock waves throughout the world.  India's traditional position in the comity of nations as a peace-  campaigner and a champion of nuclear disarmament was shattered in  one blow. 

The officials justified the explosions as imperative due to security reasons and the government of the day initiated a massive propaganda campaign to sell this act of violence to the Indian public and the world governments.  While the tests horrified peace-loving people throughout the world, an initial euphoria of jingoistic jubilation  swept India. However, as the actual facts started to emerge, a more  sober view crystallised.

Groups in virtually every corner of India started to protest against this nuclear weaponisation programme pointing out the immorality and enormous social and economic cost of this adventurism.  It is conservatively estimated that a full scale nuclear weaponisation programme will cost at least Rs.50,000 crores over the next decade,  which averages out to Rs.5,000 crores per year. By contrast, three of the most affected states in the recent drought, the worst in our country this century, received barely a tenth of this figure for relief from the Central Government.

These groups further pointed out that the very existence of nuclear bombs in an atmosphere of mutual distrust and political instability as it prevails now in this subcontinent, poses a real and imminent danger  to all life and environment in this part of the world.  The falsity of the 'security imperative' argument became clear as the so-called nuclear deterrent failed to prevent the border infiltration and the ensuing Kargil conflagration.  A realisation also came into place that the weaponisation programme has taken place behind a cloak of secrecy enshrined in the 1962 Atomic Energy Act.  Under this Act the activities of the nuclear establishment in India is not liable to any scrutiny by the Parliament let alone the Indian public.

The citizens of Bangalore were some of the first in the country to come out in open protest after the 1998 tests. Scientists, artists, lawyers, trade unionists, students, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and women's groups got together in Bangalore and observed Hiroshima Day as a day of peace and protest. This happened in spite of many provocations and threats posed by many reactionary groups who glorified nuclear weapons as symbols of national chauvinism and aggressive manhood.

The protest movement in India has now snowballed and acquired a new dimension.  Different groups have come together from all corners to form a loose national coalition.  The coalition is organising  a national convention against nuclear weaponisation to take place in November this year in New Delhi.

In Bangalore more than twenty organisations, and many individuals have built the Bangalore Platform against Nuclear Weaponisation. The Platform sees as its objective the task of building a mass movement that can force the politicians to roll back the nuclear weaponisation programme.  We are
convinced that this can be done,  as has in fact happened in South Africa, Brazil and Ukraine. We launch this movement formally on the 10th of June 2000 with a campaign to collect 5000 signatures protesting against the weaponisation.  We hope to follow this up with popular publications, lectures, exhibitions, cultural performances and discussions in schools, colleges, factories and rural areas.

Our campaign will consist of dissemination of information related to India's nuclear weaponisation programme as well as to build up, as a  part of the national movement, demands for the following.

1. No assembly, induction and deployment of nuclear weapons.
2. No acquisition and development of delivery vehicles: aircraft,  missile and submarine.
3. Advanced research into nuclear weapons to be halted  immediately; moratoriums on explosive testing, sub-critical tests,  production of weapons --usable fissile materials and tritium.
4. Public accountability of veracity and efficacy of freeze.
5. Complete transparency and independent monitoring of the performance of Department of Atomic Energy and its full public accountability.
6. Proper compensation and reparation to all victims of radiation exposure incurred during tests and other processes related to the   production of nuclear bombs.

*The Citizens Peace Committee (CPC) [Pakistan] held a protest demonstration at the F-6 Super-market traffic junction on the second anniversary of the May 1998 nuclear test explosions. The highlight of the protest demo was the  large banner, sewn from about 70 yard-length banners, each containing on the average about 25 signatures. The signed banners had come from various cities of Pakistan; Karachi, Quetta, Lahore, Peshawar, Rawalpindi and Islamabad. The pieces were put together in the form of a long banner supported by some 17 bamboo poles. It was impressive. In addition there were placards and other smaller banners. 

Two persons put in special efforts this year: Shandana Mohmand and Foqia Sadiq Khan. Shandana was the proposer and organiser of the plan for the large banner. CPC has decided to keep the banner and to keep enlarging it with support from peace campaigners all over the country. By the third anniversary they hope to have some ten thousand signatures to show on the banner, which may come to measure a mile long.

The organizers invite peace groups from other places in Pakistan, India and other parts of the world to do the same. They suggest that with the banners, on August 1, the peace groups in India and Pakistan can march to Wagha border and demonstrate these hundreds of meter long banner with signatures for peace on the both side of the border. Also, the banners can be used to symbolically wrap the important government building in each city. 

A statement, in both English and Urdu,  was issued to the press on this occasion, copies of which were also distributed among the onlookers. The English version is being pasted below this report.

NUCLEAR TESTS HAVE SOLVED NOTHING FOR US

Two years ago loud claims were trumpeted that the Chaghai tests had made Pakistan impregnable, assured national security for all time to come, and put Pakistan in the ranks of the big powers. We were told that Pakistan was now a safe, stable, and proud nuclear power. Every one of these claims was a lie. Instead the truth now stares us in the face:

· The nuclear tests have inflicted misery and further deprivation on our people. The economy is in a state of virtual collapse, investments have dried up, electricity and fuel costs have sky-rocketed, and retrenchments have increased the already huge unemployment factor. Pakistan is fatally indebted to international lenders and cannot be considered a sovereign country in economic terms. The bomb tests have shattered the future of the country's economy.

· The false sense of security which the nuclear tests gave to our leaders was the direct cause of Pakistan's misadventure in Kargil. This stunning political and diplomatic defeat has left deep scars on Pakistan's image and credibility. Today Pakistan's only remaining allies in the world are countries like Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. The danger of becoming a pariah and outcast nation is increasing by the day.

· The daily carnage in Kashmir and artillery exchanges along the LOC show that relations with India have dramatically worsened since May 98, leaving war just around the corner. Nuclear weapons have done absolutely nothing for liberating the people of Kashmir and brought the solution no closer.

· National integration and control of sectarian violence are as distant as ever. The drought has exacerbated anti-Punjabi feelings in Sindh and Baluchistan, and religiously motivated killings have steeply increased after a brief lull.

· Worst of all, there is grave danger of nuclear adventurism by either side. The threat of nuclear weapons was made several times by highly placed individuals on both sides of the border during the Kargil crisis. This senseless act of actually using nuclear weapons will devastate Pakistan and grievously damage India.

Common sense demands that Pakistan and India should resolve their disputes peacefully through negotiations and stop beating the drums of war. The confrontation across the LOC must cease immediately. We call upon both sides to stop production of nuclear weapons and missiles, and declare May 11 and May 28 as days of national mourning. (Via South Asians Against Nukes - Post <aiindex@mnet.fr>)

* Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia (WIPSA) 

Forging friendship between the two quarrelsome states of India and Pakistan has traditionally been a man's job, best left to the men who dominate the corridors of power where decisions of peace and war -- i.e. life and death -- are made. Not so thought  a handful of social activists on both sides of the border, it is time for the women to repair what has already been damaged by their men, to restore   stability in a region which has already seen far too much bloodshed. Therefore as skirmishes disturbed the tranquility of Kargil in the summer of 1999, a  number of Indian women gathered the courage to publicly demonstrate against war, in a country where anti-Pakistan sentiment dominated in the media and the mood of its people. This led to the formation of a group, WIPSA or Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia, in August 1999 whose main goal is embodied in its slogan 'Goli nahin boli', reports Amber Rahim in The News of Sunday received via South Asia Citizens Web <aiindex@mnet.fr>. 

WIPSA believes that ideological or territorial conflicts can best be solved through dialogue rather than war. That in one of the poorest and most over-populated regions of the world "our countries can ill-afford the material resources sunk in mutual destruction at the cost of human reconstruction"  WIPSA pledge, August 6, 1999). 

On the 53rd anniversary of the Hiroshima bombing  (August 6, 1999), more than 150 women social activists from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh gathered to sign a pledge committed to peace at the Gandhi Smriti in Delhi, the place where Gandhi had been assassinated. Four days later,   a conference on 'Women's Vision: A Culture of Peace' was attended by women  from all walks of life, resulting in the idea of a 'bus of peace'. Later last  year, on December 19, men and women all over the major cities of the region  were marshalled with the slogan 'peace for empowerment, empowerment for peace'   to form human chains for peace demanding a nuclear and war free South Asia.

On March 25, 2000, more than 30 Indian women traveled the 12-hour journey from Delhi to spend a hectic week, meeting like-minded women in Pakistan and spreading  their message of peace through songs, seminars, banners and discussions. The highlight of their visit was a meeting with General Musharraf who while supporting the idea of people-to-people contacts to initiate the peace process, believed that without a follow-up with talks at the governmental level, such contacts could be rendered meaningless. 

As the Indian government dawdles over Gen. Musharraf's offer of dialogue, on May 3, 2000, sixty women chose to further WIPSA's cause by paying an answering visit to Delhi. Perhaps one of the significant hurdles  to peace between the people of the two countries, if not their respective governments, has been a campaign of disinformation or selective information in the media. Focusing on issues of religious and sectarian violence, repression and fragmentation, attention has been deliberately shifted away from liberal  voices concerned over the conventional and nuclear arms race. Officially we  revel in each others' defeats and conversely, enjoy each others' music and culture at the informal level.

Although the 'Sada-e-Sarhad' Friendship bus that brought the Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee to Lahore might not have done much to improve Indo-Pak relations, it has made traversing the border an easier business for the common man. With cheaper rates as compared to airfare, shorter travel-time and less delay-prone than the train, exchanges such as these prove that it has become easier to  cross
boundaries and remove misunderstandings at the grass-roots level, a humanization if you will. Therefore Indians have been be able to see for themselves that not all Pakistanis are Islamic fundamentalists, sword in hand, ready to fight a jehad against all non-Muslims. 

Missions such as these are needed to form a lobby of public opinion which will push for easing visa restrictions and allowing for a free exchange of newspapers, books and other printed material. Small as these concessions are, they are a stepping-stone to the broader issues of peace. According to a member of the Pakistani delegation, Shahtaj Qizalbash:"It is hard to say what the immediate effects of the mission will be. However, through pressure groups and mobilizing opinion, the Indian government would no longer have the excuse that the Indian people want war".

FEATURE

*Beyond lahore: from transparency to arms control. by Zia Mian and M. V. Ramana, Center for Energy and Environmental Studies,  Princeton University (Published in Economic and Political Weekly, Mumbai, India, April 17-24, 1999, Via Harsh Kapoor <aiindex@mnet.fr>). 

 Following the examples set over the last fifty years by the U.S. and the  other nuclear weapon states, the governments of India and Pakistan have now clearly chosen to rely on weapons of mass destruction and terror as the  basis for their relationship with each other and the rest of the world. The
 nuclear tests they conducted in May 1998 and the accompanying political and military crisis raise genuine fears for the future of the people of South Asia. In the same way as the U.S. and U.S.S.R. did decades ago, India and  Pakistan have started to turn to "transparency" measures as a way to reassure themselves, and the international community, about the dangers that they have created. These measures, however, do not confront the central fact that the two countries now have acquired the means to fight nuclear war. Nothing in the Lahore agreement changes this or even imposes any restrictions on it. The recent tests of Agni-II and Ghauri-II and references to Agni-III, Ghauri-III, Shaheen-I and II demonstrate just how little restraint the Lahore agreements impose on the two states continuing to develop their nuclear arsenals.

The agreements sketched out at Lahore are designed only to offer limited transparency and thus, it is felt, some kind of early warning that could prevent disproportionate responses from events associated with the nuclear, missile and military programs. The two sides agreed to consult on their
nuclear strategies and thinking and to notify each other about planned missile tests as well as accidental, unauthorized or unexplained incidents that could create the risk of nuclear war. There were also agreements to prevent untoward incidents at sea and to review existing communication
 links.

Many of South Asia's hawks, who championed the acquisition of these weapons in the first place, have welcomed the transparency measures. They have followed the American example, step by step, first in believing in deterrence and now transparency measures. They have even adopted the same
 turn of phrase used, over a decade ago, by Strobe Talbott who described such measures as "mutually agreeable rules of the road in the arms race - rules that will make the competition somewhat more predictable." Like Talbott, the hawks see no end to the competition.

 Each one of the agreements put up for negotiation at Lahore draws directly on agreements between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. during the early 1970's. The original agreements were little more than means to thin the fog of crisis that characterized superpower relations. The more significant arms
 control treaties, actually restricting the testing and deployment of weapons, such as the ABM Treaty, the Threshold test ban Treaty, Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, and the Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaties came later.

Moreover, the borrowing from superpower experience is partial and dangerous. As transparency measures, the Lahore agreements are limited in their scope. They do not address crucial details such as deployment patterns, command and control arrangements or early warning systems. The superpowers tried to compensate for these omissions by investing billions of dollars in spies and satellites and even more in their own early warning systems. India and Pakistan cannot resort to such expensive technological solutions both due to the lack of technological and financial resources and
 the fact that the geographical proximity of the two countries rules out any possibility of early warning under any circumstances.

 These constraints create an additional imperative to push beyond the transparency measures that are on the table. It is here that the hawks are likely to resist. They want to see their respective states further develop and deploy their nuclear arsenals. Their response to even moderate arms control measures is likely to be similar to their superpower counterparts and characterized by suspicion and hostility. These attitudes are what has led them to support the weapons in the first place and leads them to an obsession with the possibility of cheating and thus the need for verification of any agreement.

As a way of getting to grips with the weapons themselves and recognizing that the hawks have by and large hijacked the decision making process in both countries, we suggest some small concrete verifiable arms control measures that can go beyond the transparency agreements. Like the transparency agreements, some of these steps draw upon superpower efforts during the cold war. It is difficult to justify making proposals that are so derivative and so restricted, especially given the sorry history of the cold war and superpower arms control.  For decades, arms control failed to restrict the size or sophistication of superpower arsenals and showed that it takes political change to achieve real results. However, in the interim it is vital to engage in measures that could help slow the momentum that has been created by the nuclear weapons tests and set the stage for a real dis-armament process. We have no doubt that the fundamental problem is a political one and the long-term solutions, therefore, would lie in the political realm. Our aim is to help create time for the mobilization of a peace movement that can challenge the elite and its way of thinking that has led the two countries to the edge of the nuclear abyss.

In trying to assess ways of dealing with nuclear weapons, it is important to be sensitive to the constraints created by the technology as well as the larger context into which the weapons as well as the proposed forms of constraint are to work. There is no getting away from the fact that the material character of these weapons demands technical solutions of certain kinds. Just as treating these weapons as purely technical artifacts is inadequate - they are after all part of a larger social, political,
 scientific and military system, that creates them, maintains them and justifies them  - ignoring their specific technological and material nature misses out on a key way in which, as with other technological artifacts, they influence the societies into which they emerge.

We divide our proposals into two - measures that would limit the potential size and destructiveness of the arsenals and measures that reduce the immediate danger to the people of the region from the existing weapons.

 One place where the awkward and difficult character of positioning oneself on arms control has been the tortured debate on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Recognizing the limited nature of the treaty,  and the fact that it allows nuclear weapon states to keep their existing capabilities while excluding other nations from acquiring the same, there are nevertheless genuine benefits that follow from a CTBT in constraining the further development of nuclear weapons.  It is for this reason that we, like the peace movement elsewhere, support the treaty and argue for a more serious engagement with the aspirations that guided the struggles for the treaty over the past four decades.

 The coming into force of the CTBT should be supported and built on by committing to help force the nuclear weapons establishments the world over to stop further development of nuclear weapons. This would involve closing down the test sites, stopping subcritical and hydrodynamic tests, and
 research into a new generation of nuclear weapons. Closing the loopholes in the CTBT would put to rest the options that Indian and Pakistani nuclear weapons scientists and their international peers are trying to create for themselves to keep conducting weapons related research and development in
 the hope that there would be another "day the sun rose twice. "

The other multilateral arms control measure that is under consideration is the Fissile Material Treaty (FMT).  This has been a priority for the nuclear weapon states, especially the United States, ever since they stopped producing fissile materials themselves. Fully aware of the effects of the cutoff on its «nuclear option», India, for a while, blocked progress on the FMT claiming that the treaty should be firmly linked to a time-bound program for nuclear disarmament. However, in the aftermath of the May 1998 nuclear tests, as part of its efforts to ease international pressure, India relaxed its objections and has started participating in the negotiations at Geneva and has taken a similar position as the other nuclear weapon states. As negotiations develop, hard-liners in India may force renewed objections, as with the CTBT, because of the relatively small size of India's fissile material stocks.

 Currently, the main dispute is over the question of the enormous existing stockpiles of fissile material possessed by the nuclear weapon states (see Table 1).

Table 1: Estimated Stockpiles of Directly Weapons-usable Fissile Materials 

Weapon-grade Uranium    Weapon-grade Plutonium    Reactor-grade Plutonium
Nuclear-weapon state 
           (tons)     (tons)      (tons)
 U.S.       580        99.5        0
 Russia    1050       131         33
 Britain     21.9       7.6       51.3
 France      25         5         35
 China       20         4          0.0
 Israel      ?        0.5          0.0
 India       ?        0.33         0.45
 Pakistan     0.2     0.0          0.0

 The nuclear weapon states, led by the U.S., categorically refuse to discuss  these stockpiles. Earlier this year, the director of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, John Holum, declared "we will not agree to any restrictions on existing stocks."  It should be obvious that leaving
 stockpiles untouched and banning only future production would serve no disarmament purpose at all. The non-nuclear weapon states and the non-aligned movement  have recognized this; in the words of the Indonesian  CD ambassador: «brushing aside the issue of stockpiles, would, once again, render the cutoff treaty a mere non-proliferation measure...[with] no added value to date.»  India, reflecting its new found status, has opposed any discussion of stockpiles while Pakistan insists on talking about
 stockpiles, pointing to asymmetries in the stockpiles within South Asia as well as conventional weapons levels.  It is vital that pressure be brought  to bear on the nuclear weapon states to include stocks in the negotiations and make the FMT into a disarmament treaty.

Whatever be the scope of the treaty, negotiations are likely to take a long time. Pakistan and India may well use this time to pursue their ongoing arms race by building up their stocks of weapons useable fissile material with the attendant environmental and economic consequences. To avoid this,
 the two countries should declare, as with testing, a moratorium on the production of fissile material for weapons purposes. In parallel, they could call on the nuclear weapon-states to publicly formalize their existing moratoria on fissile material production.

The easiest way to ensure that India and Pakistan are complying with the moratorium would be for them to shut down their research reactors, reprocessing and enrichment plants (see Table 2 and Table 3). Without reactors to make the plutonium, and reprocessing plants to extract it for use in nuclear weapons, and enrichment plants to make highly enriched uranium for weapons, the two countries would no longer be able to increase their stockpiles of the raw materials for bombs. It would be relatively easy to verify that all known facilities are not being used by monitoring them using commercial satellites or aerial observations.

 Table 2: Indian Nuclear Facilities affected by a Fissile Material Moratorium

   Facility         Characteristics

   CIRUS, Mumbai    Research Reactor
   Dhruva, Mumbai   Research Reactor
   FBTR, Kalpakkam  Research (fast breeder) Reactor
   PFBR, Kalpakkam  Fast Breeder Reactor, planned
   Ratnahalli       Uranium enrichment centrifuge plant
   Trombay, Mumbai  Plutonium reprocessing plant
   PREFRE, Tarapur  Plutonium reprocessing plant
   KARP, Kalpakkam  Plutonium reprocessing plant
 

 Table 3: Pakistani Nuclear Facilities Affected by a Fissile Material Moratorium
      Facility  Characteristics

   Khushab   Research Reactor
   Kahuta    Uranium Enrichment Centrifuge Plant
   New Labs  Reprocessing plant

In a bid to keep their facilities open, the nuclear establishments in both countries are likely to claim that these facilities serve other purposes. Pakistan, for example, will say that Kahuta is meant to supply low enriched uranium for the new Chashma reactor. However, China has signed a contract
 to supply this reactor with fuel; there is therefore no need for Pakistan to produce its own fuel. Likewise, it has been claimed that the Ratnahalli plant in India is not capable of enriching uranium to the extent necessary for use in weapons and is actually intended to produce fuel for India's nuclear submarine. An enrichment plant can be easily modified to produce weapon-grade uranium. Further, the nuclear submarine is a colossal waste of money, and suggests only that India, like the other nuclear weapon states, intends to deploy nuclear missiles at sea - ample reasons to oppose the project in any case.

India also operates three reprocessing plants, including the recently built one at Kalpakkam, purportedly to produce plutonium for its fast breeder reactors. Quite apart from the possibility of making weapon-grade plutonium at fast breeder reactors, there are good economic and environmental reasons to stop the program.  Despite these reasons, if India were to go ahead with its fast breeder program, then it could well do so by putting them under inspections. After all the Japanese and German programs were fully subject to international monitoring.

Alongside this, they should agree not to manufacture, or otherwise acquire,  tritium for use in nuclear weapons.  Tritium is used in order to "boost" or increase the yield of nuclear weapons. A ban on the production of tritium would, therefore, limit the numbers of thermonuclear weapons that could be
 produced, each of which would have a destructive yield many times that of ordinary fission weapons.  Such a ban would also reduce the incentive for Pakistani nuclear weapon scientists to continue pursuing a thermonuclear weapon of their own and so impede the potential for larger and more destructive weapons.

 As the recent tests of Agni II and Ghauri II show, the ballistic missile race is on and in danger of accelerating in the near future. Just as a ban on nuclear tests inhibits the development of new weapons designs, a ban on flight testing of missiles would inhibit the development of new missiles.
 India has conducted one flight test and continues to work on a new version of the Agni, an intermediate range ballistic missile. It is believed to be developing the Sagarika, a sea-launched missile. Pakistan, for its part, has tested a new version of the intermediate range Ghauri and is working on a new missile called Shaheen. The limited number of tests of missiles that have been conducted so far by India and Pakistan amount to experiments with missile technology; without many more tests it is not possible to deploy them with the level of confidence that military systems usually require. More tests are going to lead to growing confidence in the missiles and thus demands to deploy these missiles with the attendant increases in tension and danger.

 Table 4: Ballistic Missile Systems under Development or Production

   Name of Missile  Range   Warhead Size  Development Stage
 Indian Missiles
   Prithvi I       150 km  1,000 kg   deployed
   Prithvi II      250 km    500 kg   developed
   Prithvi III     350 km    250 kg?  under development
   Agni I        1,500 km? 1,000 kg?  technology demonstrated
   Agni II       2,500 km  1,000 kg?  technology demonstrated
   Sagarika        300 km?   500 kg?  under development

 Pakistani Missiles
   Hatf I           80 km    500 kg   technology demonstrated
   Hatf II         300 km    500 kg   technology demonstrated
   Hatf III up to  800 km    500 kg   technology demonstrated
   M-11            290 km  1,000 kg?  in storage?
   Ghauri        1,500 km?   700 kg   technology demonstrated
   Shaheen         700 km? 1,000 kg?  displayed

There should be no illusion about the suggestions made above. These  agreements in themselves do little to reduce the immediate danger to the people of the two countries from the current weapons. The most such measures could do is to restrict the potential devastation that could be wreaked upon them. They would also forestall an arms race between the two countries. Since leaders in both countries have stated repeatedly that they do not wish to participate in such a race, implementing these steps would be a way for the governments to demonstrate the sincerity of these statements.

To address the immediate dangers another set of measures should be pursued in parallel that relate to the weapons themselves. These follow along the lines of the recent Indian resolution at the United Nations entitled "Reducing Nuclear Dangers" that seeks to have the nuclear weapon states de-alert their nuclear arsenals. What follows herein are, in a sense, an application of analogous steps in the South Asian context.

The greatest danger of nuclear war arises when missiles are deployed with nuclear warheads. It is believed that India and Pakistan have not yet placed their nuclear weapons on missiles or otherwise deployed them. This arrangement should be formalized as part of a verifiable treaty. This could be done by storing warheads at sites away from missiles and airbases. An additional benefit is that fears about the primitive and inadequate command and control systems that the two states may possess can be put to rest.

It is relatively straightforward to verify that a missile does not have a nuclear warhead without divulging any details of its construction by just looking for characteristic radiation patterns.  Since both India and Pakistan could deliver their nuclear weapons by aircraft, any arrangement would have to cover not just missile development and deployment, but also airbases. Airbases would have to be opened to inspectors, periodically and when challenged, who could look for storage sites for nuclear gravity bombs as well as observe aircrafts to ensure that their bomb bays have not been altered to allow loading of nuclear bombs. Such inspections have been conducted as part of the START I treaty by Russia and the United States.

The very short flight time of missiles allows no time for any response other than immediately launching one's own missiles in the event of a warning. Thus it is important to increase the time for the two countries to respond. This is made more difficult by the missiles already inducted in to the armed services, namely the 150-250 km range Prithvi and possibly the 290 km range M-11 missiles. Due to their short ranges, if they are to be deployed, there is no alternative but to put them close to the border.

Despite the claims made about them, there is little military value of relatively inaccurate missiles. Prithvi, which is said to have an accuracy of 150 m when fired up to a distance of 150 km, would need to be used in extraordinarily large numbers if armed with conventional, non-nuclear warheads and used to attack the kinds of targets it is said to be intended for. 

Table 5: Number of Prithvi Missiles Required to Damage a Single Airbase, Command Centre, 
 or Radar using Conventional Warheads as a function of Accuracy

 Accuracy (m)  Airbase  Command Centre    Radar
   50       96        16        2
  100      168        63        3
  150      256       140        6
  250      512       393       13
  300      672       558       18

 There are two consequences that follow from the characteristics of these missiles. If they are deployed in small numbers, as they are currently, they are likely to be seen as carrying nuclear warheads and so elicit a similar response. If they are deployed in large numbers, even with conventional warheads, they are likely to be seen as a first strike weapon, and capable of launching a surprise attack. This may well elicit a greater determination to use nuclear weapons very early in a war, before they are destroyed - the classic 'use them or lose them' problem. In view of these dangers, Pakistan and India should agree to move their missiles away from the border to a distance greater than their respective ranges.

The control by hawks over the policy-making process in the two states makes it likely that any agreement will confront accusations that the other side is likely to cheat and the means available to detect such cheating are limited, if not absent. However, there are many ways by which compliance
 may be overseen. There are several technologies based on experiences with the verification of treaties like the START, INF and Open Skies treaties. One possibility would be for a single cooperative monitoring centre, or two co-located ones, with international commercial satellites  providing Indians and Pakistanis identical high resolution imaging data from a several hundred km wide swath on both sides of the border. The exact width of the swath could be such as to ensure that neither Prithvi nor the M-11 could be deployed close enough to the border to be able to threaten significant areas of the other state without being detected. An alternative to using satellites is to rely on joint aerial observation flights.

A second more robust and economical possibility is moving all missiles to designated, monitored storage sites that are to be located outside this no-deployment zone. Sensor systems can be deployed around these sites to detect any movement of the missiles outside the restricted area.  These can be combined with a system of electronic tags associated with each missile. The tags would send out regular signals that would allow the other party to know when one of the missiles has been moved beyond the storage site. These technologies can be complemented with a system that allows challenge
inspections of these designated sites, especially if there is evidence of prohibited activities.

Asking the international community for help with setting up such monitoring mechanisms would be a useful contribution to peace.  In contrast, attempts to obtain dual-use technologies in the case of India or purchasing expensive arms in the case of Pakistan are only likely to fuel suspicion and further the arms race at the level of research and development if not weapon systems.

CONCLUSION

At a time when the search is on for the rules of the nuclear road, it is important to appreciate that it is the hawks who have their foot on the accelerator and their hands on the steering wheel.  What is needed are initiatives from the peace movement rather than hand-wringing after every nuclear and missile test. These initiatives must recognize that at the present moment the peace movement is not in any position to try to take control of the car and bring it to a stop (and put the people on a bus that
 goes far beyond Lahore).

 Political parties, in the current climate, have little experience or technical knowledge and are surrounded by advisors and so-called experts from the nuclear-scientific-military-industrial complex who are setting the limits of the debate. Not surprisingly, they are then able to pass off the most limited suggestions as proof of their commitment to peace. It is the responsibility of the peace movement to provide more robust and reliable measures that can gauge the reality of these commitments. The agreements suggested here also offer ways of testing the sincerity of India's offer of a No-First Use Treaty  and Pakistan's offer of a Non-Aggression Treaty.

We recognize the limitations of the proposals listed here and intend them only as ways of buying time. Even this time will not be without risk. The only certain way to prevent the possibility of nuclear war in South Asia as elsewhere is the absolute and unconditional abolition of nuclear weapons. The urgent task is to engage in the political work that will put peace at the top of the agenda.

Eqbal ahmad: post-Pokharan days by Pervez Hoodbhoy  <hoodbhoy@isb.pol.com.pk>, published in May 12 issue of The Friday Times, Lahore

He fought for Kashmiri self-determination in 1948, against French imperialism in Algeria in the early 60's, roused students on American campuses in the early 70's against their government's immoral war in Vietnam, dodged arrest by the CIA in a case trumped up by Richard Nixon's government that accused him of trying to kidnap Henry Kissinger, passionately campaigned against the ethnic cleansing of East Pakistan by the West Pakistani army, and was the trusted lieutenant of the Palestinian leadership. With the passage of years, and his eventual return to Pakistan, his efforts gradually focussed upon healing the wounds of Partition, and diffusing the poison of intolerance and militarism of the post-Zia era. Challenge and adversity left him undaunted - until that fateful day of 11 May 1998, when the ground trembled uncontrollably at Pokharan and the subcontinent was to change forever.  Exactly one year later - on 11 May 1999 - Eqbal Ahmad died in an Islamabad hospital. He was 67.

Pokharan left Eqbal, the otherwise indomitable fighter of many struggles, depressed and fearful for the two countries he so deeply loved, Pakistan and India. It was with effort that he roused himself to action once again. Would the new nuclear hysteria drive out all hope of reconciliation and goodwill? Were the two countries now destined to become radioactive wastelands in the decades, or perhaps just years, to come? India's mindless right wing leaders who started it all were to blame, driven by their misguided view of nuclear weapons as a currency of power. "They will soon realize that this is a counterfeit", he wrote, arguing that the religious chauvinism and intolerance of the BJP made it ineligible for guiding India towards becoming a truly great and powerful nation: 

"Each historical time has had its own temper. But one factor has been common throughout history to the attainment of progress and greatness. Historians of culture describe this one factor variously as syncretism, openness, pluralism, and a spirit of tolerance. Where ideas do not clash, diverse influences, knowledge, viewpoints, and cultures do not converge, civilization does not thrive and greatness eludes.  Nuclearisation of nationalism has further degraded India's environment. The tests have worsened the xenophobia of Hindutva supporters."

Soon the drums started beating on the Pakistani side, the initial wave of fear giving way to shriller and shriller cries for retaliatory tests. India's belligerence was no longer veiled; it was a time when even the thoughtful were puzzled. "What then should Pakistan do?", wrote Eqbal in his weekly column in Dawn on 17th May, "My advice is: do not panic, and do not behave reactively. This translates as: do not listen to people like Qazi Husain Ahmad and Benazir Bhutto who, either out of ignorance, or more likely crass opportunism, are advocating nuclear tests, here and now. The arguments for steadying the jerking knee are compelling. For these reasons and more, it is much better for Islamabad to stay cool, calculating, and utilizing the opportunities Delhi has presented. May reason prevail!" 

Astonishingly, difficult though it was, reason did stand a 50-50 chance in the first week after Pokharan. There is considerable evidence that a Pakistani nuclear test could have been avoided. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and some of his close associates in the cabinet, notwithstanding what they were to claim a year later, were not enthusiastic about testing because of the heavy international sanctions that would inevitably follow. This feeling was shared by the Chief of Army Staff, General Jehangir Karamat, and it extended to many others in the government. Some with impeccable hawkish credentials, such as Riaz Khokhar, then Pakistan's ambassador to the US, told me privately that they
had campaigned hard against testing.  Pragmatism, not pacificism, drove them to this conclusion.

But reason was soon destined to lose. By the second week the Pakistani leadership had capitulated; the Chagai tests came just 17 days after Pokharan. What the decisive factor had been may never be known, but it could be one of several: the warning by L.K. Advani, India's Interior Minister, that Pakistan should note a change in South Asia's "strategic environment", Prime Minister Vajpayee's statement that his government might forcibly take Kashmiri territory under Pakistan's control, the handing over of Kashmir affairs portfolio to the hardline Home Minister who had so enthusiastically overseen the destruction of Babri Mosque, and heating up of a limited but live conflict along the Line
of Control. On the domestic front, a pack of opposition leaders, led first by the Jamaat-i-Islami, was soon overtaken by Benazir Bhutto. "She seems to have sensed in this national crisis an opportunity to restore her flagging fortunes. I know of few gestures in the ugly repertoire of Pakistani politics as revolting as her demagogic toss of bracelets at Mr. Nawaz Sharif", wrote Eqbal.

The debate stopped abruptly after Chagai. Eqbal was devastated. "I saw on television a picture more awesome than the familiar mushroom cloud of nuclear explosion. The mountain had turned white. I wondered how much pain had been felt by nature, God's most wondrous creation".

Alas, it was joy, not pain, which made crowds dance that day in the streets of Islamabad and Lahore. Similar orgasmic celebrations had taken place 17 days earlier in Delhi and Bombay. The men of faith were triumphant, although which faith had triumphed was not clear. Grains of holy radioactive sand from Pokhran, blessed by Lord Shiva, had been sprinkled in temples by the Vishnu Hindu Parisad. In Pakistan the Jamaat-I-Islami transported a cardboard "Islamic Bomb" around the country, while right-wing Urdu magazines like Zindagi wrote about the wondrous miracles of Chaghi. They told stories of divine intervention that protected the mard-e-momin from poison-spitting snakes as they prepared the nuclear test-site, of four chickens that sufficed to feast a thousand of the faithful after the tests, and of Prophet Mohammed taking personal charge of protecting the centrifuges of Kahuta.

Now was the time of the Kalams and Khans, the Chidambarams and Mubarikmands. Catapulted into the role of subcontinental heroes, but unknown entities in the world of real science, they basked in adulation pretending to be the Oppenheimers, Tellers, and Bethes. But it was the political leadership
that had it even better. As the Sharifs and Vajpayees strutted and preened themselves before roaring crowds, Eqbal had sober words of warning for them: 

"I still believe that, notwithstanding Delhi's provocative muscle-flexing, Pakistan's security interests have not been served by matching India show-for-show-plus-one.… The leaders of India and Pakistan have now appropriated to themselves, as others had done before, the power that was God's alone to kill mountains, make the earth quake, bring the sea to boil, and destroy humanity. I hope that when the muscle flexing and cheering is over they will go on a retreat, and reflect on how they should bear this awesome responsibility."

One wonders if in his prison cell, where he now serves a life-sentence for treason, ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif does finally feel the need for reflection. But all those who were then busy stoking the fires of nationalist frenzy had little use for such advice. Drunk with the new-found power to commit mass murder, they blew raucous trumpets and beat drums in macabre, insane, officially sponsored celebrations. It mattered little that that very year Pakistani newspaper had reported cases of 300 people having chosen self immolation and death to living yet another painful day of grinding poverty and deprivation. Uranium there was plenty of, but certainly not enough bread and clean drinking water. 

More insidiously, nucleomania was giving birth to a dangerous vision, propagated with the full force of the state media. Commentators and spokesperson daily harangued television audiences that Pakistan had become impregnable, and was now at least India's military equal if not superior. But Eqbal argued that beyond the change in atmospherics, which rarely endure, Pakistan's passage from an ambiguous to an explicit nuclear power had not substantially changed its strategic position. Economically it had become weaker, its domestic situation would grow graver, and the forces of    fanaticism yet stronger and more divisive. The illusion of security provided by nuclear weapons would, however, have fearful consequences. 

In the months after Chaghai, Eqbal spoke at anti-nuclear meetings throughout the length and breadth of the country. I accompanied him at many such events. He spoke eloquently and passionately, as was his style, frequently drawing upon exemplars drawn from his vast store of experiences and knowledge. He would remind listeners of the Soviet Union, and its satellites such as Poland and Czechoslovakia, which became highly sophisticated arms producers, but whose states and societies grew dis-organically and eventually collapsed. For Pakistan to avoid that fate, it must resist falling into the trap of seeking strategic equivalence with India. 

India-Pakistan proxy war, more than anything else, worried Eqbal. Look at the history of the Cold War, he would say. Since nuclear weapons had made direct confrontation impossible, the US and USSR had exported their conflict to the Third World where millions of Koreans, VietnX-MoziX-X-Mozilla-Status: 0009ans, and Afghans had died soundlessly, mere pawns in the great global grab for power. Eqbal feared that bloody times were up ahead for the Kashmiris, who he predicted would be the worst losers of the nuclearized subcontinent. Safely hidden behind their nuclear shields, the leaders of India and Pakistan are perfectly willing to fight their game down to the very last Kashmiri, he said. 

It was sometime in early March 1999 when Eqbal telephoned me. His usual good-natured banter was missing today, there was an edge of tension. I went to see him as soon as I finished teaching my class at the university. I had not seen him in such a foul mood for years. Yesterday he had had a long session with a top general - paradoxically one of his many admirers - and had come back greatly disturbed, his fears confirmed. Terrible things were to happen in Kashmir but nuclear weapons would ensure that war would not spill over into Pakistan. Such was the plan. Eqbal did not live to hear about Kargil, but he already knew enough. 

Two weeks before the end. When we took him to the hospital he was in an awful state, although we did not yet know that it was an advanced stage of colon cancer. He was vomiting violently and feeling sharp pains in his chest but there were quiet phases when he asked about the world outside. He shook his head in silent disgust as I told him of the official preparations to celebrate Pakistan's anniversary of the nuclear tests. Little badges with mushroom clouds were to be distributed free to children, poetry competitions would extol the greatness of a newly nuclear nation, and missile replicas would be placed at major intersections. "Eqbal, when you get well I'd like you to look at an article I've just written against the celebrations", I said. No, he replied, give it to me now. He carefully adjusted the intravenous drip to take hold of his pen, asked me to crank up his hospital bed into a semi-sitting position, and then went through my article adding his editorial comments - incisive and useful as ever -- here and there. It was his last political act, the final affirmation of solidarity.

*Two years after the nuclear tests by  Najum Mushtaq (From The News 5/07/00 <www.jang.com.pk/ thenews/may2000-daily/07-05-2000/oped/o3.htm>.

A group of peace activists were in the middle of giving a press briefing at an Islamabad  hotel when intruders, together with a section of the audience that even included journalists,  attacked them with
chairs and invectives. It was June 2, 1998, hardly a week after Pakistan's Chagai nuclear tests-a time when being anti-nuke and talking of peace with India was  absolute blasphemy.

 It is wrong to assume that going nuclear was the only option before the government of  Nawaz Sharif in May 1998. The tests could have been delayed or even not conducted at all.  But intense public pressure (reflected in both the official and 'independent' media), the  hysterical frenzy of anti-India nationalism and Pakistan's traditionally skewed security outlook, did not leave the Muslim League government with much choice.

 Two years on, the few who had dared to oppose the nuclear option at the height of that  crazy romance with the bomb, find little change in the public mood. Last week, Prof AH  Nayyar of Quaid-i-Azam University, who was injured in that June 1998 press conference  melee, delivered a lecture at the Institute of Psychology on the "perceived sense of  insecurity and the weapons of mass destruction". At the end of his lecture, in which the professor recounted how history has been distorted to construct and reinforce enemy  images, he was scolded by an angry student for "negating
the ideology of Pakistan and the  concept of jihad." 

 "He insisted that Pakistanis must destroy India even if it meant complete annihilation of  Pakistan. What struck me most was that he drew loud applause from other students," says  Prof Nayyar. As with the previous physical attack on the professor, this verbal assault and  public rebuke have also been followed by vicious comments in the press. All blast him for the crime of questioning the official version of our history as portrayed in school and  college textbooks.

 "We ourselves, and no-one else, caused the armed conflicts with India-from the 1965 war  to the 1999 Kargil conflict…Before resolving issues with India, we should set our house in  order." This oft-reported statement of Air Marshal Nur Khan, a national military hero, was  the basis of one of
the points Prof Nayyar raised at his lecture. 

 Compare Nur Khan's firsthand account of history (again reported in The News of May 6,  2000) with our children's schoolbooks which tell them that the 1965 war was triggered by a  cowardly Indian army sneaking into Pak territory in the dark of the night. The rest of the  war story is built on this self-deluding notion, predictably leading to further mutilation of facts.

 Such are the lies our official version of the past-and, in turn, the public perception of it-are  made of. And that surreal summer of 1998, in which a dozen nuclear explosions shook the  world, only created more myths for the Pakistanis to swallow as truth: nuclear weapons  mean peace, cheap defence, stability in South Asia, scientific and technological advancement, and a stronger Pakistan.

 The decision to go nuclear was wrong because it has not helped achieve even one of the  goals that we were told it would. Prof Nayyar and others like him were saying the right  thing then. And he was saying the right thing when he spoke at the Institute of  Psychology the other day. But he and those sharing his views should not be surprised by  the kind of mad reaction their peace-talk gets: this is the price, as well as a criterion, of  being truthful.

SECTION B

ANNOUNCEMENTS

*July 21-23, Zurich, Switzerland: GLOBAL PEOPLE OF INDIAN ORIGIN  COLLABORATION IN TECHNOLOGY, TRADE; INVESTMENT, POOLING RESOURCES, annual convention of  the Global Organization of People of Indian Origin (GOIPO), will deal with topics such as: What should India do for PIOs and what PIOs for India? Partnership, networking and building economic bridges among various worldwide PIO communities, Advisability and feasibility of creating a global PIO bank, a global PIO financial & technical journal and a Global Confederation of PIO/India Chambers of Commerce & Industry. The convention will be held at Swissôtel Zurich, Switzerland,
(Tel.: 41-1 311 43 41, Fax: 41-1 312 44 68, E-Mail: zurich@swissotel.com). There will be a free shuttle to the hotel from the airport every 20 minutes during the peak time from Terminal B. Full Registration fee/Participation fee is CHF (Swiss Fr.) 300 (or US $182) up to 30th June (CHF 350 or US $212 after 30th June) for whole convention including Convention documentation, tea/coffee, lunches, dinners, banquet & cocktails, and CHF 120 for one day. More info from Thomas Abraham
President, GOPIO, P.O. Box 1413, Stamford, CT 06904, USA, Tel: 203/329-8010, Fax: 203/322-2233, E-mail <gopio@t-three.com>, Website <www.gopio.net>

*July 30, 2000 is the closing date for application for VISITING RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS IN DISARMAMENT in Geneva, Switzerland. The fellowship program is being established by the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, and  funded by the Ford Foundation. Four researchers from a single region will be invited to Geneva for a period of 4 - 6 months. The researchers will work collectively on a single research paper, focusing on a particular question of regional security. The research paper would then feed into policy debates on the security of their region. The visiting fellows program aims: to provide training for researchers from developing States; to allow them to interact with each other, with researchers from developed States, the UN Secretariat, delegations and the non-governmental institutes; and to contribute to UNIDIR's research program.

In the first year, the fellowships are specifically for researchers from South Asia. The fellowships will be allocated on a competitive basis, taking due care to obtain regional representation. The fellowship program is scheduled to begin in October 2000. Fellows will receive a stipend for their time in Geneva; the total amount will depend on their duration of stay.  A return fare from the fellows' places of residence will also be paid. More info from Isabelle Roger, Administrative Assistant, UNIDIR, Palais des Nations, Geneve-10, CH-1211, Switzerland, Ph: +4122 917 3186, Fax: +4122 917 0176, email: iroger@unog.ch, website: http://www.unog.ch/unidir.

*September-October, 2000:  India Relief and Education Fund (P.O. Box 14360, Fremont, CA 94539) intends to invite Abhay Mehta, author of recently published book "Power Play," on a three-week LECTURE TOUR of USA.(See the Books & Journals section for a review of the book). People interested in hosting a local lecture are requested to Maharaj K Kaul (<maharaj.kaul@gene.GE.com>, Telephone 408-925-3221 or 510-490-0231, their preferred date(s) and the contribution that your local group could make to meet the expenses of the tour.
.
*August 15, 2000 is the dead line for submission of new and existing works by film-makers for Himal Association and Eco Himal's  KATHMANDU INTERNATIONAL MOUNTAIN FILM FESTIVAL to be held at Russian Cultural Center, from December 1-4, 2000, Kathmandu, Nepal: . The event will feature new and existing work by film-makers on mountains, mountain people, and mountain sports. Entry on the prescribed form (available   online at  www.himalmag.com/kimff) is free of cost. Mor info from Ramyata Limbu  Kathmandu International Film Festival Director, P.O. Box 166, Lalitpur, Nepal   Tel.: 977-1-542544   Fax: 977-1541196, E-mail: kimff@mos.com.np, Website: http://www. himalmag.com/kimff

BOOKS & JOURNALS

*Pakistani writers on nuclear issues  edited by Zamir Niazi, published by Scherezade <scheherzade@ altavista.com>, Pp 350

A book is being published bringing together the reactions of Pakistani writers on the hazards of nuclear explosions. More than 50 prominent Pakistani writers and poets are represented in this anthology entitled "Zameen Ka Nauha" ("Lamentations of the Earth"). It is edited by veteran journalist and writer Zamir Niazi, well-known for his series of books chronicling the struggle for freedom of press and expression in Pakistan. 

The book opens with three essays: Zamir Niazi traces the history of nuclear conflict and its devastating impact on South Asia; Kahlique Ibrahim Kahlique traces the human and literary dimensions while Asif Farrukhi analyzes the attitudes adopted by writers in the face of "nuclear winter". 

The book opens with a retrospective look at the destruction of Hiroshima and onwards to a continuous threat to the world chronicled in short stories and poems by Pakistani writers. Saadat Hassan Manto Ahmed Nadeem Qasimi, Hassan Manzar, M. Salim-ur-rahman, Zahida Hina and a Sindhi short story by Rehmatullah Manjhoti throw into a sharp focus the subsequent events in South Asia. 

Another feature is a reportage on Hiroshima written by a Japanese scholar of Urdu. Shaikh Ayaz writes of Hiroshima as the death of love, while Habib Jalib sings of saving our country from atomic bombs and Ahmed Faraz describes the death of an anti-nuclear activist.

The next section brings together new writings from Urdu, Sindhi, Baluchi, Punjabi, Pashto and English. Previously unpublished, new poems by Ahmed Faraz, Fahmida Riaz, Kishwar Naheed and other prominent poets are a highlight of the book. The poets included here are Shanul Haq Haqqi, Zia Jallundhari, Anwer Ahsan Siddqiui, Hassan Abidi, Muslim Shamim, Saeeda Gazdar, Hilal Naqvi, Shahid Naqvi, Azra Abbas, Noon Meem Danish, Zeeshan Sahil, Ali Mohammed Farshi, Tauqeer Chughtai, Mustafa Arbab and Usman Qazi. Sindhi poems by Attiya Dawood and Shah Mohammed Pirzada; Baluchi poem by Rahim Bux Azad; Punjabi poem by Zahid Hassan and an English poem by Harris Khalique are included in Urdu translations done by the poets themselves for this book and appearing here for the first time. 

The prose section opens with Intizar Hussain's poignant account of post-nuclear nightmare of history in which peacock colors are fluttering away. Firdaus Hyder, Dr Shershah Syed, Asif Farrukhi and Mubin Mirza's short fictions open several possibilities of describing and reacting to the events within
the country. Tahir Afridi's Pashto short story as well as a Baluchi short story by a leading woman writer, Gohar Malik describe the pain and anguish suffered by the land and its people. The book also includes an extract from Mohsin Hamid's new novel "Moth Smoke", recently published from New York and receiving rave reviews from critics as a significant new talent in English writing from Pakistan. Two short pieces by Amar Jaleel, translated from English, bring this section to a close. Dr Aslam Farrukhi has written a "na'at" for this book. 

This attractively designed book of around 350 pages is being published by Scherezade, a non-profit organization with interest in off-bat and alternative books. (From scheherzade@altavista.com (Via South Asian Against Nukes Post <aiindex@mnet.fr>).

* Power Play by Abhay Mehta, 1999/2000; Publisher Orient Longman, Pages 226, Price Rs. 195,
(Available on line at http://www.altindia.net/pp)

The book is detailed study of the working of the power sector in India. It focuses on Enron Corporation's power project in Maharashtra, and deals with the social, political, economic and legal aspects of the project. It traces the history of the project and places it in the larger context of power policy in India. It also briefly discusses some other major power projects in the country (including a section on the Cogentrix project as well as the controversy surrounding the Panna Mukta oilfields.

This is the first book to document in such detail the implications of the largest contract in the history of India. The payments on this single contract constitute one of the largest contracts (civilian or military) in world history, and the single largest contract in India's history. Total payments under the PPA amount to about US $ 35,000 million dollars over the life of the contract. A conservative low end estimate of the NPV of this stream of payments is  about US$17 billion to about US$23 to 25 billion (Rs 1,30,000 crores). Profits on this are estimated to be in the U$  6-8 billion range (Rs 30,000 crores) over the life of the contract.

This inside story of how Enron managed to procure the contract, is based on internal official government correspondence, files and documentation largely marked 'SECRET' or 'CONFIDENTIAL'. from sources as diverse as notes prepared for the cabinets of India as well as Maharashtra; the Prime Minister's Office (PMO), to the GoM's and MSEB's internal documentation.

* ‘A Teacher's Manual, Our Ecological Footprint - Think of your city as an ecosystem', a book for environment educators,is now available from Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), New Delhi, 
India. More info from <webadmin@cseindia.org>.

DID YOU KNOW 

*Most PAKISTANI PARENTS don't care much about politicians. They want their sons to be armymen, their sons-in-law businessmen and their immediate neighbors doctors, according to the Pakistan Gallup Poll. (<www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/16pak.htm>)

*According to the state's Family Welfare Bureau's chief medical officer, Emerico D'Souza, Goa (India)  has achieved one of the lowest net reproduction rate, INFANT MORTALITY rate and death rate due to various factors. (<www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/15goa.htm>)

*With the help of their father, a wealthy carpet manufacturer in Karachi, Shaiza and Sharmeen Said Khan, 30 and 26, have formed Pakistan's first national WOMEN'S CRICKET TEAM, in spite of death threats, bureaucratic hostility, opposition by Pakistan Cricket Board, and absence of outside sponsors, even though the team has been recognized by the government. The team of 14 female are practicing in Karachi and preparing for their first test match in Ireland in July (Newsweek International, 6/1/2000 Via South Asia Citizens Web -  Dispatch <aiindex@mnet.fr>).

*European Union is India's largest TRADING PARTNER with an annual turnover of over $ 22 billion. Indian PM will head a delegation to first EU summit in Lisbon on June 28. (<www.rediff.com/business/2000/may/12eu.htm>)

*About 2.4 million poor women are engaged in BIDI TRADE that earns them less than a dollar a day and subjects them to exploitation. (<www.rediff.com/business/2000/may/12bidi.htm>)

*India's The Central Bureau of Police Research and Development and the British Council Division will run a crash course on providing 'quality police service to WOMEN VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE.' www.rediff.com/ news/2000/may/31uni.htm

*ASHOKA STUPA was discovered in Orissa atop the Langudi hill, an ancient Buddhist site, along with an inscription referring to the great Mauryan emperor <www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/ 27ashok.htm>

*With residents and civic administration working in tandem to fight the social evil CHILD LABOR in Moradabad's brass industry has declined. This has also boosted the literacy rate in the region, a survey revealed. ,www.rediff.com/business/2000/may/26morad.htm>.

* Selco International, a private company in Hyderabad has begun converting the city's GARBAGE INTO FUEL pellets. It currently has a capacity to produce 500 tonnes of fuel pellets per day and plans to double the capacity and use the processed garbage in its own 10-MW generation unit. (The Hindu, 2 May 2000 Via India News <indianews@pobox.com>).

*The Meghalaya minister of state for border area development, RL Tariang, inaugurated April 28 the Rs 25 lakh ROPEWAY at Mawkaphan, about 100 km from Shillong on Tuesday. The ropeway has a carrying capacity of 50 kg. (The Assam Tribune April 29, 2000, Via Northeast Vigil <nevigil. freeservers.com).

* U.S. National Institutes of Health have selected the Maharishi Vedic Medical Center, a promoter of AYURVEDA, as one of the five field sites to conduct research studies on heart disease. Last month a study by the Center published in the American Heart Association's journal "Stroke" showed that transcendental meditation techniques helped reduce blockage of the arteries (India West <www.indiawest.com>).

EVENTS

*June 14, New York, NY, USA:A half-day seminar on THE GLOBAL BEAUTY REPORT: FOCUS ON ASIA will be held 8:00 a.m. to 12:15 p.m. at Avon Conference Center, Trump Tower, 725 Fifth Avenue. It will explore an unusual industry with senior Asian and US speakers on the global cosmetics industry's involvement in Asia and with Asian-Americans.  Senior executives from Avon, A.T. Kearney, Real Cosmetics, Sundari, Zhen Cosmetics, McCann Erickson Guangming Ltd. Shanghai, and other companies discuss managing megabrand franchises across the globe and competing in the Asian marketplace.  How are Western companies tailoring their products to fit the needs of the Asian consumer?  What are local Asian brands doing to compete with multi-national brands in the local and global marketplace?  What are multinational and U.S. brands doing to market to Asian-American consumers?  Product samples will be provided. Cost is $50 for Asia Society Members ($65 Non-members). To Register, contact the Asia Society Box Office at Tel: 212.327.9276 or Fax: 212.517.8315. 

*June 19-23, Vancouver, BC, Canada:  MEDIATING CULTURES: THE FOUNDATIONAL ROLE OF THE RAMAYANA IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIAN SOCIETIES. As one of the cornerstones of the social and political life of South and Southeast Asia, the RAMAYANA has influenced public life through centuries both as a verbal and a visual artefact. A workshop aimed at understanding the role of the Ramayana in the social and cultural life of south and southeast Asia from the earliest times to the modern, and the reasons--historical and social--for its cultural and ideological viability. Organized by the Programme in Intercultural Studies in Asia at the Institute of Asian Research, the workshop is being sponsored by the Peter Wall Institute of Advanced Studies, and will bring together a group of UBC scholars and colleagues from Europe, India, Thailand and the U.S.A. It will be held at the University Centre at the University of British Columbia.  The outcome of the workshop, including its edited proceedings and recommendations.  On June 20, 21, 22, music and dance performances relating to the Ramayana will be presented in the evening at the Museum of Anthropology. The registration fee is $10 per day including coffee. To register, contact Karen Jew at (604) 822-2629 or <kjew@interchange.ubc.ca>.. More info from Mandakranta Bose, Director of the Centre for India and South Asia Research, and of the Programme in Intercultural Studies in Asia at <mbose @interchange. ubc.ca> or <amanmann2@hotmail.com> or <gordand@ interchange.ubc.ca> or Website.<www.iar.ubc.ca/ramayana> For evening performances, contact the Museum of Anthropology at (604) 822- 5978.

*Until August 20, Toronto, Ontario, Canada: The ARTS OF THE SIKH KINGDOMS, opened here on May 25 at the Royal Ontario Museum.

*Until October, Nairobi, Kenya: Since March, ASIAN HERITAGE of Kenya is on display at the National Museum to mark the centenary of the construction of the Mombasa-Kampala railway. The exhibition, consisting of historical photographs, documents and displays, shows the contributions made by about 32,000 indentured Indian laborers imported to East Africa by the British colonizers to build the railway. About 2,500 workers - four for each mile of track laid - died during the construction that lasted from 1896 to 1901. Some of the workers were killed by man-eating lions as much of the track ran through the inhospitable territory of what is now the Tsavo Game Park. The exhibition includes other treasures like boats that brought the early Indian traders and settlers to East Africa, establishing Asian communities all down the coast from Lamu and Mombasa to Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. 

Sultan Somjee, a fourth generation Kenyan-Asian, is both the creator and curator of the exhibition.
"I have always been uncomfortable about the way my people have been represented," he told  Ruth Evans of BBC News Online.  "There has been a remarkable vacuum or lack of understanding in the way African-Asians were represented and this is what I wanted to bring out in this exhibition."  His efforts to put the record straight have taken six years to bring to fruition.  He hopes that the exhibition will improve understanding between the various communities in Kenya and enable Kenyan-Asians to play a fuller role in their African home.

PEOPLE

*Former Pakistan Army chief General  JEHANGIR KARAMAT has joined the Brookings Institution, an American Think-Tank based in Washington, DC, in May , as a Visiting Fellow for four months. At Brookings, he is affiliated with the South Asia Project, which was established in 1998 and is directed by Dr. Stephen P. Cohen. Located at 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington, DC
20036, the Brooking Institution can be reached at 202-797-6000 by telephone, 202-797-6004 by fax, or <brookinfo@brook.edu> by E-mail.

*The Japanese government has announced to honor ASHOK JAIN, a fellow of the National Academy of Sciences, RAJ BUDDHIRAJA, a teacher of Hindia at Kalindi College of Delhi University and N. KRISHNASWAMY, vice-chairman of SCS Kothari Academy for Women, for their outstanding contributions in their respective fields and to promote friendly relations between Japan and India (India West <www.indiawest.com>).

*Brazil has honored Indian economist PARTHASARATHI SHOME, the current Reserve Bank of India chair at the Indian Council for Research in International Econmic Relations,  with Commander of the Order of the Southern Cross, the country's highest award accorded to a foreign national for his contributions to economic reforms in this South American country. While employed as a senior economist with the International Monetary Fund in the 90's, he had advised the country extensively  on trade reforms (PTI, Via India West <www.indiawest.com>).

*Eminent Pakistani writer FAKHAR ZAMAN, Chairman, Democratic Writers Convention, was declared recently as the best Punjabi novelist of the millennium by various literary and cultural organizations like Kendri Lekhak Sabha, Punjab Kala Council, Punjabi, Punjabi Cultural Forum, Centre for Punjabi Culture and the Punjabi Academy operating in Indian Punjab and New Delhi. The award was conferred on Zaman during the launching ceremony in New Delhi of his five Punjabi novels published in one volume in Gurmuki script. Their compilation in one volume in Hindi and English is also due later this year.

*India's journalist ARUN SHOURIE and a Canadian-India newspaper publisher Late TARA SINGH HAYER were among 50 journalists from around the world who were honored as World Press Freedom Heroes by the International Press Institute in Boston May 4 at a ceremony to mark World Press Freedom Day (India West <www.indiawest.com>).

*Miss India LARA DUTTA, claimed the Miss Universe crown in Nicosia, Cyprus. <www.rediff. com/news/2000/may/13lara.htm>,  and <www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/13lara8.htm>. See a special photoessay on Lara's triumph at <www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/13lara1.htm>.

*The noted Urdu poet, and film lyricist MAJROOH SULTANPURI, died of a lung disease, in Bombay. He was 80. <www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/25maj.htm>, <www.rediff.com/news/ 2000/may/25manna.htm>, <www.rediff.com/news/2000/may/25kundan.htm>, and <www.rediff.com/ news/2000/may/25pyare.htm>.

*LHAKPA SHERPA, 27, became the second Nepalese woman to reach the 29,035 feet summit of Mt. Everest, at 6:30 a.m. on May 18 (Reuters, Via India West <www.indiawest.com>).

*On April 14, SUREKHA YADAV, 35, became Asia's first female train driver, when she assumed independent charge of local passenger trains on the Central Railway line. Starting in 1989 as an assistant driver of a freight train at Kalyan, she had been independently driving goods trains since 1996  (PTI, Via India West <www.indiawest.com>). 

WEBSITES

*<www.govcon.com/read/nl20000505/129335> is the website that features U.S. Small Business Administration and Asian American Group to working together to boost SBA's Small Business Outreach.

WORDS OF WISDOM

*Interview with God (Anonymous)

I dreamed I had an interview with God.

"Come in," God said.  "So, you would like to interview me?"

"If you have the time," I said.

God smiled and said, "My time is eternity and is enough to do everything, what questions do you have in mind to ask me?"

So I said, "What surprises you most about mankind?"

God answered, "That they get bored of being children, are in a rush to grow up, and long to be children again.That they lose their health to make money and then lose their money to restore their health. That by thinking anxiously about the future, they forget the present, such that they live neither for the present nor the future.That they live as if they will never die, and they die as if they never lived."

Gods hands took mine and we were silent for a while, and then...

I asked "As a parent, what are some of life's lessons you want your children to learn?"

God replied with a smile, "To learn that they cannot make anyone love them.  What they can do is let themselves be loved. To learn that what is most valuable is not what they have in their lives, but who they have in their lives. To learn that it is not good to compare themselves with others.  All will be judged individually on their own merits, not as a group on a comparison basis! To learn that a rich person is not the one who has the most, but the one who needs the least. To learn that it only takes a few seconds to open profound wounds in persons we love, and that it takes many years to heal them. To learn to forgive by practicing forgiveness. To learn that there are persons that love them dearly, but simply do not know how to express or show their feeling. To learn that money can buy everything but love, happiness and good health. To learn that two people can look at the same thing and see it totally different. To learn that a true friend is someone who knows everything about them and likes them anyway. To learn that it is not always enough that they be forgiven by others, but they forgive themselves."

I sat there for a while enjoying the moment.  I thanked Him for his time and for all that He has done for me and my family, and..... 

He replied, "Anytime, I'm here 24 hours a day.  All you have to do is ask for me, and I'll answer."

People will forget what you said.  People will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel. 


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Webpage Editor: Ingrid H. Shafer, Ph.D.
e-mail address: facshaferi@mercur.usao.edu or ihs@ionet.net
Posted 28 June 2000
Last revised 28 June 2000
Web-edition copyright © 1999-2000 Ingrid H. Shafer