Asghar Ali Engineer is a rights activist and heads the two organisations, Institute of Islamic Studies and Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. He has authored or edited 44 books on such  issues  as  Islam and communal and ethnic problems in India and South Asia in general.  For links to his other articles, please go to the top page of this site.

 Historians tell us that for every historical event there are many narratives, and a historian chooses any one of these in keeping with his ideological predilection. No one can, however, be sure as to which narrative is correct. The motivations of human actors are very complex and much more so of the rulers. This can best be illustrated with what statements Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee made recently about Ramjanambhoomi and Babri Masjid. 

 When the opposition raised the issue of two charge-sheeted Ministers and their resignation for their role in demolition of Babri Masjid and stalled parliamentary proceedings for several days, Shri. Vajpayee made a statement that construction Ram Mandir would be in ‘keeping with national sentiments'. Of course he drew ire of some of his NDA allies and again he said that the problem of Ram Mandir should be solved either through dialogue or the court verdict should be awaited in the matter. That silenced his allies but did not satisfy them as they were answerable to Muslims in their respective states. They continued to convey their concern about Vajpayee's statement. The opposition of course could not be satisfied with such obfuscation on the part of the Prime Minister and continued to raise their voice against Vajpayee's earlier statement about 'national sentiment'. 

 When the Prime Minister went for holidays in Kumarakom in Kerala he issued his 'musings' to the press. He took yet another stand in his musings about Ramjanambhoomi Babri Masjid issue. The passages about the Babri Masjid and Ramjanambhoomi in his musings are quite telling and full of re-publican virtues. He said in his musings that his government would accept, and was constitutionally bound to implement the judiciary's verdict, whatever it might be. He also said emphatically that law would take its own course should any organisation attempt to disturb the status quo. 

 What is more, he categorically said that it was "flagrant violation of the law" to demolish the "disputed mosque structure" without waiting for the verdict of the Court. He also went on to say in his musings, "the wrongs of the past cannot be righted by a similar wrong in modern times." 

 Now the crucial question is which of his statements a future historian should take seriously; his earlier statement that building of the Ram Temple is in keeping with the national sentiments or the one made by him in his musings? Naturally different historians will choose to focus on one of these statements depending on their view of Vajpayee as a ‘Hindu fanatic' or as a ‘liberal democrat'. A particular historical narrative is chosen depending on the historian's view of the person he/she is writing about. As pointed out above the historical actors say or do something under certain circumstances and compulsions. What one says or does is as important as why one says or does. 

 Shri Vajpayee made the above two contradictory statements under different compulsions. When the Sangh Parivar put pressure on him and also the coming elections in U.P. bothered him he made one statement. But when he saw that his image as moderate took severe beating by his ‘national sentiment' statement and his allies felt alienated from him he revised his statement and donned the earlier mask again. Thus it will be seen that a political actor cannot ignore her/his compulsions while saying or doing something. It is true of all, historical actors, rulers and politicians.

 Human behaviour is not determined by her/his ideals and religious beliefs alone. The main determinant of human behaviour is his interests and much more so when it comes to a ruler or a politician who has to reconcile contradictory interests. Thus the historical acts of rulers should not be used in the contemporary context to promote hatred between communities.

 If some temples were demolished by Muslim rulers one should not draw conclusion that they did so on account of their hatred for Hindu religion and idol worship. It is for historians to discuss the circumstances, which led to demolition. For such demolitions there are different narratives. An objective historian will take all these narratives into account and decide as to which narrative is nearer the truth. Romila Thapar, a noted historian, for example points out different narratives about Somnath temple. In a lecture she cautioned people against attempting a history of the Somnath Temple in Gujarat with a black-and-white interpretation of evidences.

 Dr.Thapar said that there were five different and mutually contradictory sources for reconstructing history of the temple which was raided by Mahmud Ghaznavi in 1026 A.D. These sources, she pointed out, were Turko-Persian literature, Jain texts, Sanskrit records, British colonial writings and nationalistic readings of the Temple's history. Each of these sources, Dr.Thapar said, highlighted the versions of interests of the sections it represented, and thus arriving at hard and fast conclusions based on anyone of them alone was faulty. She also challenges the colonial reading of history by the British historians that the raids by Ghaznavi had cause deep rift between the two communities. Had the raids traumatised the Hindu community, she argued, the temple committee, two centuries after the event, would not have donated land to a Muslim trader to build a mosque close to the temple. Not only had the land been given, but all kinds of help in building the mosque was extended too and written records of these donations were also available.

 Even Aurangzeb while demolishing some Hindu temples had given jagirs (landed estates), the records show, to many other temples. While he demolished one Shiv Temple (where Gyanvapi mosque was built) in Varanasi, he gave jagir to another Shiv Temple (Jangambadi Shiv Temple) in the same city. He has issued firmans giving such grants to many other temples as far away as Gawahati. Like our modern rulers those medieval rulers also acted under contradictory situations and political compulsions. Such acts should not be ascribed to those rulers' hatred for Hinduism and idol worship. This black and white reading of history has done enough damage to cordial relations between Hindus and Muslims since colonial period.
 
 

 A historian from Hyderabad Mr. Ziauddin Shakeb came to know during his researches that many temples in Vrindavan area like Krishna Damodara and Govinda Deva have in their cellars centuries old copies of the Qur'an and Mughal administrative documents in calligraphy developed during the time of Emperor Babar. Ziauddin points out that only few copies of the Holy Book might have been left written in that style of calligraphy. The documents in the cellars of the temples relate to the land and financial aid given by Mughal kings to the temples in Brindavan. These cellars also contain rare copies of Hindu scriptures like Ramayana and Mahabharata. The religious books of Muslims are kept with great respect by temple priests and they are in good shape, says Shakeb. More importantly Shakeb tells us that many Muslims leaving the country at the time of partition deposited their documents including these scriptures with the temples thinking that they would be safe there. Quoting the temple priests, Shakeb says that the Islamic heritage collection was handed over to the temples by Muslims who were migrating  to Pakistan.

 But we are misusing the history today for our own political needs. History has become powerful political tool for some politicians in India. It is as powerful as religion for arousing human passions. Ramjanambhoomi-Babri Masjid controversy has been raging in this country for more than a decade and is still far from being settled. It has aroused religious passions on both sides of the communal divide. The BJP has come to power mainly by using history for political ends. This controversy is being revived with full force once again in view of the forthcoming elections in U.P.

 It is unfortunate that a section of educated middle class gets carried away by these sentiments and helps political parties play these games for obvious reasons. It is high time we use our wisdom rather than emotions to resolve the much-misused controversy. The Sangh Parivar, particularly the VHP and the RSS have developed strong vested interests in keeping the controversy alive not only for political purpose but also as a powerful tool for religious revival. Religious revival benefits the VHP Sadhus and religious leaders retain their hold over powerful sections of Hindu community and brings them undreamt of financial resources. Thus religious fanaticism being promoted has behind it not only religious fanaticism but also powerful interests.

 But it is as detrimental to national interests as it is beneficial to the VHP leaders. It is for the people of India to decide which interests are dearer to them, national interests or the interests of a few religious fanatics. The judiciary should also play its part by expediting its verdict. How long the country will keep on suffering on account of these inordinate judicial delays. Here it is not any individual but entire nation, which is paying the price. It is also said that the court verdict also may not ultimately solve the problem as the VHP will reject it if it goes against them. In view of this possibility some fair-minded Hindus and Muslims should come together to find solution to this complex problem with the spirit of give and take. Many suggestions in this direction have already been mooted but an honest and sincere dialogue should search for a solution acceptable to both to save the nation the agony and to enable it to concentrate on real issues.

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