GUJRAT – AN AREA OF DARKNESS
Asghar
Ali Engineer
(Secular Perspective April 16-30,
2002)
A visit to Gujrat is a shattering experience for any sensitive
soul. It is more than a month and it still continues to burn. The brutalities
are of such a nature that one feels Gujrat has not entered an age of
enlightenment or if it ever entered it has exited from it and has entered an era
of darkness. Gujrat is an embodiment of brutality today with some honourable
exceptions.
The opposition parties are demanding only removal of Narendra Modi. It is not
enough; in fact Narendra Modi Government should be dismissed and President’s
rule should be promulgated. Many ministers of this Narendra Modi Government are
deeply involved in organising the genocide. Mr.Zadaphia, Home Minister and Harin
Pandya, the revenue Minister were seen by many eye-witnesses with the marauding
mobs. Some FIRs also have mentioned their names.
As long as this Government is in power the victims and survivors can hope for no
justice. The police is either not recording FIRs or framing very minor charges
against the killers, looters and murderers. As long as this Government is there
the guilty can never be punished. In most of the cases the participants in
mayhem were assured that they would be fully protected. Only President’s rule
can make some difference. The present governor is also a RSS man. Many people
pointed out to me that the present governor should also be removed, though it
does not seem possible.
The Gujrat carnage is an attack on Indian democracy, its diversity and
pluralism. India has been plural, not since it adopted democracy and became a
republic in 1950. India has been plural for ages and it always has been proud of
its rich pluralist legacy. The Indian pluralism is anchor sheet of our
secularism. We cannot think of our secular democracy without pluralism.
But what has happened in Gujrat in last more than a month is a concerted assault
on this pluralism. Muslims are sought to be completely isolated in ghettos and
looked down upon as if non-Indians. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad and its cohorts
are distributing pamphlets on large scale with the blessings of the present
Government for economic boycott of Muslims – not to sell to them and not to buy
from them. There are many who are also implementing it. A Hindu doctor was
stabbed by an unidentified person and these doctors decided not to practise in
Muslim areas. But when a Muslim doctor was murdered no such hue and cry was
raised. No one even showed such concern.
Many Hindu employers have already asked their Muslim employees not to come for
work. The VHP enthusiasts are going round various schools and threatening its
headmasters and principals to remove Muslim students from their rolls. It sends
chilling sensation down one’s spine what will happen if Muslim students are
really removed from schools under threat from VHP and Bajrang Dal. The
ghetoisation will be complete.
It is BJP and RSS people who never tire of accusing Muslims that they refuse to
be a part of ‘Indian mainstream’? Though this is not true but even if true who
is responsible for their being out of stream. If they are expelled from
Government and private schools will they not be driven into madrasa shells? The
Government of Gujrat under the leadership of Narendra Modi is, it appears,
silently encouraging the VHP enthusiasts to implement their plan of Hindu India,
at least presently in Gujrat. This should not be taken lightly by those who care
for secular character of Indian democracy. If it happens, even if partially, it
will be the beginning of end of our pluralism and our secular democracy.
Today one can also see how administration surrenders itself to the fascist
forces under their rule. For the Gujrat Government Indian Constitution does not
exist. So much for the administrative machinery in Gujrat. The administration
obeys all illegal and extra-constitutional orders of government of Gujrat.
Anyone who insists on the rule of law is instantly transferred. Mr. Harsh Mandar,
a conscientious IAS officer, was so disgusted with this state of affairs that he
resigned in sheer disgust. He had written a very moving piece on the Gujrat
carnage.
Like administration the police force has also proved to be quite obliging. Many
observers have described it as a matter of shame for the police force. When the
ex-director general of police Shri Julio Ribeiro visited Gujrat many top police
officers avoided to meet him out of this sense of shame. He said in an
interview, “Normally when I go to Gujrat senior police officers come to see me.
This time, they tried to avoid me.” When he was asked what was the reason for
the failure of the police in Gujat he said that “The top brass must take the
blame. I did not sense a whiff of leadership from the top police officers.
Senior officers have been reduced to mute spectators as they have little control
over the force.” (TOI, Mumbai, 10th April 2002).
I also spoke to a top police officer in Ahmedabad who himself has been a victim
of Modi Government for being duty conscious. He was transferred because he did
not allow riots to take place in his jurisdiction. He confirmed what Ribeiro has
said in the above interview. And many lower officers and constabulary had full
sympathy with the marauding mobs. Several victims of the violence told me that
the police blocked their way and the mobs attacked them and burnt their
relatives alive. And if they tried to run police fired on them.
In Bapunagar area it is alleged that police killed about 40 young boys at point
blank range. The bullets had hit them, as post mortem reports show on their
heads and chest. Many lives were saved just because the military arrived. The
death toll otherwise would have been much higher. And in case of Akbarnagar in
Ahmedabad whole colony was destroyed just behind the office of assistant
commissioner of police.
Gas cylinders were used in a big way to blast even Pucca houses. Who supplied
them gas cylinders on such a scale? Several trucks loaded with gas cylinders
were brought to Ansar Nagar where a madrasa building Jamia Qasim was set on
fire. I saw the building, which was greatly damaged.
There is another factor which also should be seriously reflected upon:
participation of dalits and backwards in this genocide on a big scale. Many have
emphasised Dalit-Muslim unity to fight communal fascism. But the Hindutvawadis
have instilled a sense of Hinduness among dalits for their misuse against
Muslims. The huge crowds of ten to fifteen thousands which collected and
surrounded Muslims form all sides mostly consisted of dalits and backwards. Of
course in Gujrat there is no dalit leadership worth the name. Some who had taken
lead for dalits during 1981 anti-dalit riots have become now totally ineffective
and dalits who had shown anger against upper caste Hindus and vowed to fight
them have united with them again. They were no doubt given liquor and money plus
incentive of loot. But this does not explain the fury with which they attacked.
The constant propaganda against Muslims that they are the enemies and
anti-nationals and must be taught a lesson also had its effect. The VHP, in
order to fight Muslims with the help of dalits expresses ‘solidarity’ with them
as Hindus and instils in them a strong dose of Hinduness de-emphasising their
dalitness in such situation. In the political strategy of Hindutva dalits’
support is important not only for Muslim carnage but also win elections with
their support assigning them subordinate position.
They have also worked out strategy to buy dalit leadership by accommodating them
in power structure. Be it Mayawati or Paswan, after arousing fury of dalit
masses against the BJP and upper caste Hindus, have worked out their equations
with the upper caste leadership. These dalit leaders, Mayawati and Paswan and
likes of them kept quiet throughout Gujrat carnage. Mayavati when asked about it
quipped ‘and what about Godhra incident?’ Only those dalit leaders still outside
power structure continue to show their anger against the upper caste Hindus.
Thus it will be seen that politically Dalit-Muslim unity has never been very
effective.
What was encouraging in this mayhem by Hindutvawadis is that the Muslims in
relief camps were sad but not bitter and angry. This gives us some hope. Those
who are business people like Bohras, Khojas and Memons are more worried about
re-starting their businesses though it will be very difficult for them to find
wherewithal. A top police officer told me that the Chief Minister Narendra Modi
has clearly told them in a meeting that there is no question of doing any thing
about rehabilitation (despite Prime Minister’s announcement). He said only
relief for few days should be given and the inmates of relief camps should be
asked to go back to their ‘homes’.
Another thing one should note is that there is lot of concern among people
outside Gujrat for peace, harmony and secularism as never before. Many Gandhians
who had kept mum during earlier riots are protesting this time and actively
working for restoration of peace. The peace meeting in Ahmedabad which was
convened by Mallika Sarabhai and disturbed by the VHP men was well attended from
all over India. Chunnibhai Vaidya, a prominent Gnadhian from Gujrat is working
for peace though he is receiving many threatening calls. There have been
protests against the carnage throughout India, which is very hopeful sign.
Though the BJP might have gained in Gujrat it will suffer reverses elsewhere in
India. The allies of BJP in NDA will also undoubtedly suffer. They made noises
here and there just for public consumption but showed no genuine concern for
peace in Gujrat. The TDP, though worried about Muslim votes in Andhra Pradesh,
has spoken out only after all damage was done in Gujrat. So has Paswan. It will
certainly not go down well with their electorates.
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Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
Mumbai:- 400 055.
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